The Modern-Day White (Wo)Man’s Burden: Trends in Anti-Trafficking and Anti-Slavery Campaigns

Kempadoo, Kamala. “The Modern-Day White (Wo)Man’s Burden: Trends in Anti-Trafficking and Anti-Slavery Campaigns.” Journal of Human Trafficking 1, no. 1 (January 2, 2015): 8–20. doi:10.1080/23322705.2015.1006120.

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Abstract

In the early 1990s, the debate on human trafficking was restricted to a handful of feminists and revolved around establishing “the trafficking of women” as a case of labor migration or one of “female sexual slavery.” Two decades later, the debate is more complicated and widespread, yet within the proliferation of attention, a convergence among some of the most vocal and visible campaigns is discernible. This article takes up three prominent campaigns that dominate contemporary debates internationally—modern anti-slavery, abolitionist feminism, and celebrity humanitarianism—and considers the politics that emerge at the points of their convergence. It is argued that rather than getting to “the bottom of things,” as Emma Goldman urged over a century ago in relation to the “traffic of women,” a 21st-century version of the “white man’s burden” is apparent, supported by contemporary western, neoliberal interests that maintain boundaries between the haves and the have-nots, while bolstering an image of a compassionate, benevolent West. The article points toward an alternate framework, one that is lodged in a commitment to social and economic justice, decolonization, a redistribution of wealth, and respect for subaltern experience and knowledge.

Taking Nellie Johnson’s fingerprints: prostitutes and legal identity in early Twentieth-Century London

Laite, Julia (2008). Taking Nellie Johnson’s fingerprints: prostitutes and legal identity in early Twentieth-Century London. History Workshop Journal 65 (1), pp. 96-116. ISSN 1363-3554.

Abstract

British laws which sought to control and prevent street prostitution in the early twentieth century all relied on the idea that a ‘common prostitute’ was a legally definable person, and, while prostitution itself was not an offence, that the action of street solicitation represented a special kind of public nuisance. This article explores some of the implications of this legal system, especially after prostitutes were added to the fingerprinting schedule of the London Metropolitan Police in 1917. Centred around one rare case-file concerning the mistaken identity of a street prostitute in 1920, the article explores the way in which women working as prostitutes experienced and negotiated the criminal justice system. In contrast to the historical attention given to the Contagious Diseases Acts, the solicitation laws are seriously under-examined. Yet these laws were put in place prior to the CD Acts, lasted long after their repeal, affected a far greater number of women, and were significantly more important to the police and the state in their control of prostitution than were the short-lived and geographically limited CD Acts. In the context of the CD Acts, historians have looked at the ways in which a prostitute identity was developed and assigned by medical discourse and medical registration. However, the far more common and long-lasting experience of prostitute women in Britain was governed by the solicitation laws and a legal, not medical, process of classification. Through Nellie Johnson’s story, we can begin to explore the intricacies of a legal system of prostitution control peculiar to Britain at a crucial point in its development. This article argues that over the course of the early twentieth century, the criminalization of identity became the grounds upon which the entire system of street- prostitution control in England and Wales rested. The fingerprinting of prostitutes, and Nellie Johnson’s personal experiences, fit into a larger story of modernization in early twentieth-century Britain and the early twentieth-century world. This period witnessed the development of particular, and technical, forms of identification which were applied to particular groups of people, an abstraction which turned the body itself into a text that had very real consequences for women like Nellie Johnson.

Criminal, Victim, or Ally? Examining the Role of Sex Workers in Addressing Minor Sex Trafficking

Bergquist, Kathleen Ja Sook. “Criminal, Victim, or Ally? Examining the Role of Sex Workers in Addressing Minor Sex Trafficking.” Affilia 30, no. 3 (August 1, 2015): 314–27. doi:10.1177/0886109915572844. 

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The absence of representation from the sex industry in efforts to address the commercial sexual exploitation of children is striking. “Voices” that get heard are generally limited to survivor testimony, while those who are currently in “the life” are excluded, despite the fact that many enter into prostitution underage and would have been defined as child sex trafficking victims under the Trafficking Victims Protection Act. This article explores the silencing effect of conflating prostitution with sex trafficking, the ways in which sex workers might contribute to addressing the commercial sexual exploitation of children as “allies,” and the ethical responsibility of social workers in anti-trafficking work.

Backlash against Prostitutes’ Rights: Origins and Dynamics of Nazi Prostitution Policies

Roos, Julia. “Backlash against Prostitutes’ Rights: Origins and Dynamics of Nazi Prostitution Policies.” Journal of the History of Sexuality 11, no. 1 (2002): 67–94. doi:10.1353/sex.2002.0012. (JSTOR Link)

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In Mein Kampf, Adolf Hitler attacked prostitution as a major cause of Germany’s decline. The “prostitution of love,” he claimed, was responsible for the “terrible poisoning of the health of the national body” through syphilis. “Even if its results were not this frightful plague, it would nevertheless be profoundly injurious to man, since the moral devastations which accompany this degeneracy suffice to destroy a people slowly but surely.” According to Hitler, many of Germany’s troubles could be blamed on “this Jewification of our spiritual life and mammonization of our mating instinct” that threatened to annihilate future generations of healthy Germans. Hitler’s tirades about the moral and racial dangers of venal sex suggested that, once in power, the Nazis would show little tolerance for the persistence of “vice.” Paradoxically, however, state-regulated prostitution increased dramatically under Nazism. Especially during wartime, the regulated brothel became a key institution of Nazi sexual policy. How can we make sense of this tension?

As this essay intends to show, to gain a fuller understanding of Nazi attitudes toward prostitution, it is vital to analyze them in the context of Weimar conflicts over prostitution reform. Recent studies on the history of prostitution in the Third Reich tend to neglect pre-1933 developments. If historians mention the topic of Weimar prostitution policy at all, it is primarily to emphasize basic continuities in this area after the Nazi takeover. Thus, Gisela Bock has argued that Weimar prostitution reforms paved the way for the sexual and economic exploitation of prostitutes under National Socialism. However, the notion of unbroken continuities between Weimar and Nazi attitudes toward venal sex is problematic for several reasons. The exclusive focus on continuity tends to obscure important differences between the two periods. Far from representing a mere prelude to the brutal persecution of prostitutes after 1933, the nationwide abolition of state-regulated prostitution in 1927 led to significant improvements in prostitutes’ civil and legal status. To acknowledge these (albeit limited) gains in prostitutes’ rights is key for the analysis of the impact that concerns about “immorality” had on the crisis of the Weimar Republic and the rise of Nazism.

The more liberal aspects of Weimar prostitution reforms triggered a powerful right-wing backlash. In the eyes of religious conservatives, the state’s perceived failure to enforce “moral order” and cleanse the streets of prostitutes profoundly discredited Weimar democracy. Among large segments of the police, the loss of authority to control and punish streetwalkers similarly bred resentment against the democratic government. The Nazis were keenly aware of the propagandistic value of the issue of prostitution. Nazi attacks on the 1927 prostitution reform as yet another expression of Weimar’s “materialism” and “moral decay” aimed to widen the party’s appeal among the religious Right and conservative officials. During the early 1930s, the Nazis’ successful attempt to portray themselves as guardians of conventional morality intent on eliminating “vice” was key to winning them the approval and collaboration of many conservatives. We can only account fully for this dynamic, however, if we recognize some of the positive achievements of Weimar prostitution reforms. The abolition of state-regulated prostitution was one of the major successes of the 1920s movement for sexual reform, which failed to achieve other goals such as the decriminalization of abortion and homosexuality. This is why Weimar prostitution reforms became a central target of Nazi propaganda.

Prostitutes in History: From Parables of Pornography to Metaphors of Modernity

Gilfoyle, Timothy J. “Prostitutes in History: From Parables of Pornography to Metaphors of Modernity.” The American Historical Review 104, no. 1 (February 1999): 117. doi:10.2307/2650183.

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BEFORE 1980, THE PROSTITUTE was “pornographic.” Few historians considered prostitution an important topic, and studies of the subject commonly played to the sensational and salacious.’ The small body of significant scholarship concentrated on ideas, social movements, and campaigns to control or abolish prostitution.2 Other serious works focused on cities with red-light districts, emphasizing the most visible and elite forms of prostitution.3 Additional investigations were buried in monographs and theses devoted to crime, deviancy, hospitals, and public hygiene.4 Historians, in the words of Alain Corbin, “remained haunted by the ancient links between the prostitute, rotting flesh, corpses, and filth.”‘5 While recent historians of prostitution have hardly become metaphoric under- takers unearthing “rotting flesh” and “corpses,” they have complicated the subject in ways unanticipated a generation ago. In less than two decades, more than a score of scholarly monographs on prostitution have appeared….

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You can read the article online for free after registration at JSTOR.

Claims to Protection: The Rise and Fall of Feminist Abolitionism in the League of Nations’ Committee on the Traffic in Women and Children, 1919–1936

Pliley, Jessica R. “Claims to Protection: The Rise and Fall of Feminist Abolitionism in the League of Nations’ Committee on the Traffic in Women and Children, 1919–1936” Journal of Women’s History 22, no. 4 (2010): 90–113.

Abstract:

This article examines the League of Nations Advisory Committee on the Trafficking of Women and Children (CTW) to assess the impact of international feminists on the interwar anti-sex trafficking movement. It argues that women who were firmly embedded in the transnational and international women’s rights movement built a coalition on the CTW to ensure the prominence of the feminist abolitionist position of sex trafficking in the 1920s. This position was defined by calls for equal standards of morality between the sexes, resistance to laws that treated prostitutes as a group and infringed on their human rights, and unwavering demands for the abolition of state-regulated prostitution. Changes in the personnel and bureaucratic structure of the CTW and the rising tide of nationalism served to undermine the feminist abolitionists’ position in the League in the 1930s.

Full article available here. 

The Kosmo Club Case: Clandestine Prostitution during the Interwar Period

Settle, Louise. “The Kosmo Club Case: Clandestine Prostitution during the Interwar Period.” Twentieth Century British History 25, no. 4 (December 1, 2014): 562–84. doi:10.1093/tcbh/hwu004.

During November 1933 the trial of three men accused of ‘living off the earnings of prostitution’ captivated the news reading public of Edinburgh. This article uses the detailed trial transcription and newspaper coverage of the Kosmo Club trial to examine the role that dance clubs played within a larger network of clandestine prostitution and the implications this had for the women who worked in these clubs as ‘dance partners’. The case study focuses on a key moment in the history of prostitution, one that has not yet received sufficient historical attention, a moment when new technologies, such as the telephone and the motorcar, first began to dramatically alter the landscape of prostitution. Furthermore, the trial offers a rare glimpse of dance partners’ experiences, both the dangers they faced and the many ways in which they attempted to resist those who sought to control and exploit them.

Full article available here. 

Human Trafficking Heroes and Villains. Representing the Problem in Anti-Trafficking Awareness Campaigns

O’Brien, Erin. “Human Trafficking Heroes and Villains. Representing the Problem in Anti-Trafficking Awareness Campaigns.” Social & Legal Studies, July 9, 2015, 0964663915593410. doi:10.1177/0964663915593410.

Abstract

Since the declaration by the United Nations that awareness raising should be a key part of efforts to combat human trafficking, government and non-government organizations have produced numerous public awareness campaigns designed to capture the public’s attention and sympathy. These campaigns represent the ‘problem’ of trafficking in specific ways, creating heroes and villains by placing the blame for trafficking on some, whilst obscuring the responsibility of others. This article adopts Bacchi’s ‘what is the problem represented to be?’ framework for examining the politicization of problem representation in 18 anti-trafficking awareness campaigns. It is argued that these campaigns construct a narrow understanding of the problem through the depiction of ‘ideal offenders’. In particular, a strong focus on the demand for commercial sex as causative of human trafficking serves to obscure the problematic role of consumerism in a wide range of industries, and perpetuates an understanding of trafficking that fails to draw a necessary distinction between the demand for labour, and the demand for ‘exploitable’ labour. This problem representation also obscures the role governments in destination countries may play in causing trafficking through imposing restrictive migration regimes that render migrants vulnerable to traffickers.

Panel on Sex Trafficking

Aziza Ahmed et al., Panel on Sex Trafficking (Transcript), 5 U. Miami Race & Soc. Just. L. Rev. 445 (2015) Available at: http://repository.law.miami.edu/umrsjlr/vol5/iss2/20

Reinforcing or Challenging Stigma? The Risks and Benefits of ‘Dignity Talk’ in Sex Work Discourse

Cunningham, Stewart. “Reinforcing or Challenging Stigma? The Risks and Benefits of ‘Dignity Talk’ in Sex Work Discourse.” International Journal for the Semiotics of Law – Revue Internationale de Sémiotique Juridique, June 29, 2015, 1–21. doi:10.1007/s11196-015-9434-9.

Abstract

The concept of ‘human dignity’ sits at the heart of international human rights law and a growing number of national constitutions and yet its meaning is heavily contested and contingent. I aim to supplement the theoretical literature on dignity by providing an empirical study of how the concept is used in the specific context of legal discourse on sex work. I will analyse jurisprudence in which commercial sex was declared as incompatible with human dignity, focussing on the South African Constitutional Court case of S v Jordan and the Indian Supreme Court case of Budhadev Karmaskar v State of West Bengal. I will consider how these courts conceptualise dignity and argue that their conclusions on the undignified nature of sex work are predicated on particular sexual norms that privilege emotional and relational intimacy. In light of the stigma faced by sex workers I will explore how a discourse, proclaiming sex work as beneath human dignity, may impact on the way that sex workers are perceived and represented culturally, arguing that it reinforces stigma. I will go on to examine how sex workers subvert the notion that commercial sex is undignified, and resist stigma, by campaigning for the right to sell sex with dignity. I will demonstrate that an alternative legal approach to dignity and sex work is possible, where the two are not considered as inherently incompatible, concluding with thoughts on the risks and benefits of using ‘dignity talk’ in activism and campaigns for sex work law reform.